Apa maksud dari president result

Ketua Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD) Republik Indonesia AA La Nyalla Mahmud Mattalitti, menyebut bahwa Presidential Threshold atau syarat ambang batas pencalonan presiden merupakan sebuah produk Undang-undang yang lebih banyak mudaratnya daripada manfaatnya. Presidential Threshold sendiri merupakan amanat dari Undang-undang Nomor 7 tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu.

Pendapat keras itu disampaikannya dalam acara Focus Group Discussion dengan tema Presidential Threshold: Antara Manfaat dan Mudarat di Ruang Amphiteater Gedung Ibrahim Lantai 5 Kampus Terpadu Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Sabtu (5/6).

“UU Pemilu merupakan buah dari amandemen UUD 1945 dahulu. Amandemen konstitusi dari tahun 1999 sampai 2002 menjadi dasar lahirnya undang-undang yang membuat Indonesia memiliki wajah politik seperti hari ini,” ujar La Nyalla.

Ketua DPD RI itu melanjutkan bahwa pasangan calon yang diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik  dengan persyaratan perolehan kursi paling sedikit 20% dari jumlah kursi DPR, atau 25% dari suara sah secara Nasional pada Pemilu anggota DPR sebelumnya. Membuat kondisi itu mempersempit kemungkinan terbentuknya lebih dari tiga pasangan capres-cawapres atau lebih.

“Meskipun di atas kertas didalilkan bisa memunculkan tiga hingga empat pasang calon. Tetapi tidak begitu dalam praktiknya. Buktinya, dalam pemilu yang lalu-lalu bangsa ini hanya sanggup memunculkan dua pasang calon,” ungkap La Nyalla.

Dampak dengan hanya ada dua pasangan calon pilpres menyebabkan pembelahan politik dan polarisasi yang begitu kuat di akar rumput. Keadaan itu masih dirasakan hingga detik ini, meski sudah ada rekonsiliasi. Tentu sangat tidak produktif bagi perjalanan bangsa dan negara ini.

La Nyalla menganggap aturan presidential threshold sebenarnya lebih banyak mudharatnya ketimbang manfaatnya. Apalagi dalil bahwa presidential threshold disebut untuk memperkuat sistem presidensil agar presiden terpilih memiliki dukungan yang kuat di parlemen, dianggap justru membuat mekanisme check and balances menjadi lemah.

“Karena partai politik besar dan gabungan menjadi pendukung presiden terpilih. Akibatnya yang terjadi adalah bagi-bagi kekuasaan dan DPR menjadi legitimator kebijakan pemerintah. Inilah persoalan yang sebenarnya ada di hulu, bukan di hilir. Maka dari itu yang dibutuhkan Indonesia adalah Amandemen UU yang baru.”

Hal berbeda disampaikan oleh salah satu Pembicara FGD, Zainal Arifin Mochtar, pakar hukum tatanegara UGM. Menurutnya, sebenarnya tidak perlu dilakukan amandemen, kita hanya perlu merevisi UU Pemilu.

“Sebenarnya kerja lebih mudah adalah dengan Revisi UU tentang pemilu. Diubah saja di pasal-pasalnya soal ambang batas itu. Jadi tidak perlu dengan amendemen,” ujar Zainal.

Karena takutnya, amandemen malah merusak sistem presidensil yang dianut Indonesia saat ini. “Amendemen jangan sampai merusak sistem presidensil. Presidensil itu yang memilih presiden adalah rakyat. Jangan sampai presiden dipilih lagi oleh MPR atau parlemen,” lanjutnya.

Sementara itu, Dekan Fakultas Hukum UMY Iwan Satriawan S.H., MCL., Ph.D menduga adanya barikade kuat di balik pintu Mahkamah Konstitusi. Menurut pengakuannya, ia dan tim sudah pernah mencoba mengajukan revisi UU tentang Pemilu ke MK akan tetapi ditolak, dan itu menjadi 11 kalinya MK menolak ajuan tersebut.

“Sudah kami ajukan dari sisi akademisnya, kami telah mengkaji 8 negara, yang mana Presidential Threshold Indonesia paling tinggi 20%, bahkan ada beberapa negara yang tak memiliki itu sama sekali. Semoga barikade itu bisa dibuka oleh DPD. Tapi DPD tidak bisa sendiri, harus dengan bantuan dari gerakan mahasiswa, organisasi-organisasi masyarakat atau NGO yang ada,” imbuh Iwan.

Lalu ketika muncul pertanyaan, apa urgensinya merevisi UU tentang Pemilu, toh jika partai kecil memiliki kesempatan mengajukan capres dan cawapresnya akan kalah juga dengan partai besar. Iwan mengaku justru dengan adanya hal tersebut akan mendorong partai besar mencalonkan kandidat terbaiknya, sehingga terjadi kontestasi yang sehat. (Hbb)

Elections in Malaysia include elections to public office of the political entities that since 1963 have composed the federation of Malaysia. At present, elections in Malaysia exist at two levels: federal level and state level. Federal level elections are those for membership in the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of Parliament, while state level elections are for membership in the various State Legislative Assemblies. The heads of executive branch at both the federal and state levels, the Prime Minister and Menteri Besar/Chief Ministers respectively, are indirectly elected, usually filled by a member of the majority party/coalition in the respective legislatures.

While any state may dissolve its assembly independently of the Federal Parliament, the traditional practice is for most state assemblies to be dissolved at the same time as Parliament, with the exception of Sabah and Sarawak, although these two states had held elections simultaneously with the rest of the state, as it is the case for Sabah in elections post-1999, and Sarawak in the 1969 and 1974 elections.

See also: Parliamentary constituencies and state assemblies of Malaysia

At the federal level, voters elect the 222-member House of Representatives (Malay: Dewan Rakyat, literally "Hall of the People") of the bicameral Parliament. Members are elected from single-member constituencies drawn based on population using the first past the post system. The party that has the majority of the House of Representatives will form the federal government.

The Constitution of Malaysia requires that a general election must be held at least once every five years. However, the Prime Minister can ask the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to dissolve the Parliament at any time before this five-year period has expired. A general election should be held no later than two months in West Malaysia and three months for East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak) after the dissolution of the Parliament.

Since independence, the parliamentary elections have most often been won by the Barisan Nasional (National Front, abbreviated BN, and its predecessor, the Alliance), a coalition of fourteen parties. The 1969 election saw the first time the Alliance failed to attain a two-thirds majority in Parliament (two-thirds majority being the majority required to pass most constitutional amendments), which happened again in the 2008 and 2013 elections; the latter also saw the BN losing the popular vote while retaining the majority of seats. In the 2018 general elections, the Pakatan Harapan coalition defeated the BN at the federal level for the first time in history.

At the state level, voters elect representatives to the Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly). The number of representatives varies between the different states, with as many as 82 electorates in Sarawak and as little as 15 in Perlis. Members are elected from single-member constituencies drawn based on population using the first-past-the-post system. State assembly constituencies are usually smaller (in area and population) than the parliamentary constituencies. The party that forms the majority of the state assembly will form the state government.

Usually, state elections are held simultaneously with the parliamentary election but each state can decide when to hold its election. This is because state assemblies are dissolved by their respective Ruler or governor on the advice of the chief minister of the state. For example, following the 1977 Kelantan Emergency, a snap election was called in Kelantan in March 1978, months ahead of the general election in July 1978. A more recent example is that in the 1999 general election, the state elections of the 11 states on Peninsular Malaysia were held simultaneously with the parliamentary election while the state elections of Sabah and Sarawak were held at different dates. In the 2004 and 2008 general elections, the state election of Sabah were held simultaneously with the parliamentary election as well, but Sarawak held its state election in 2006 and 2011.[1]

Before the 2008 elections, the Barisan Nasional and its predecessor the Alliance controlled most of the state assemblies in every election, while occasionally losing some states, most notably Kelantan which was controlled by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) from 1959 to 1978 (the last four years as part of BN) and again since 1990. The worst result for the Alliance was in 1969, when it lost its majority in Perak, Selangor and Penang in addition to Kelantan. In the 2008 elections, in addition to Kelantan, BN lost four states (Penang, Kedah, Perak and Selangor) to the loose coalition of opposition parties (later known as the Pakatan Rakyat (People's Pact, abbreviated PR)) composed of PAS, Democratic Action Party (DAP) and People's Justice Party (PKR). Perak was returned to BN control in 2009 following a constitutional crisis. In the 2013 elections, BN recaptured the state of Kedah, leaving Kelantan, Penang and Selangor in PR control.

Following the 2018 elections, the BN only retained control of the states of Perlis, Pahang and Sarawak. PAS retains Kelantan while capturing Terengganu. The Pakatan Harapan coalition retains control of Penang and Selangor as well as capturing the states of Kedah, Perak, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka and Johor. An informal alliance between Parti Warisan Sabah and Pakatan Harapan also took control of the state of Sabah. BN still remained governing the state of Sarawak, which they won in the state elections held in 2016, until the Sarawak BN parties left the coalition in 2018, thus forming Gabungan Parti Sarawak.

Although there used to be elections for members of local governments such as municipal councils, today, no local government elections are held in Malaysia. Local government elections were suspended after the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation in 1964. The suspension was never lifted and instead made permanent under the Local Government Act 1976. Under the Act, or the laws of individual states where relevant, local government members are appointed by the state government.[2]

After Minister and People's Progressive Party President M. Kayveas raised concerns about local governments in late 2005, some suggested reviving local government elections. However, in an opinion column, the New Straits Times (owned by the United Malays National Organisation or UMNO, leading party of the Barisan Nasional) quoted a professor from Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia as saying that such elections would not be brought back because "policymakers know from experience worldwide that the Opposition tends to dominate such councils as part of the electorate's desire for checks-and-balances." The professor also stated that due to required constitutional changes, it would be difficult for such amendments to pass muster in Parliament. The column also quoted a government ministry as saying that "holding elections are expensive affairs".[3]

As of 2008, the Pakatan Rakyat states' governments would like to implement the local government election in their states. However, these was not carried out due to the Federal Constitution which prohibits the implementation. It was only after Pakatan Harapan won the 2018 Malaysian general election that the new government began the process of looking into and reintroducing local elections after 55 years, with a trial run slated for 2019 in select cities.[4]

Main articles: List of parliamentary by-elections in Malaysia and List of state by-elections in Malaysia

In addition to general elections, a by-election occurs when a particular seat in the Dewan Rakyat becomes vacant. Such a vacancy can occur when, a member of parliament (MP) dies, and an MP is disqualified from being a member of the Dewan Rakyat; •a seat is declared vacant because the MP has been absent from every sitting of the Dewan Rakyat for a period of six month months without leave of the Dewan Rakyat, and the members of the Dewan Rakyat have decided to declare the seat vacant. The exception is if the vacancy occurs when the tenure for the current Parliament or state assembly is less than two years, where the seat is simply left vacant until the next general election.

Main article: List of Malaysian electoral districts

See also: List of former Malaysian federal electoral districts and List of former Malaysian state electoral districts

It is the role of the Election Commission to draw, review and re-delineate electoral district boundaries. The last delineation was made on 21 March 2003.[5] As of 2013, there are a total of 222 parliamentary districts and 576 state assembly districts in Malaysia.[5] The EC has been accused of practising gerrymandering during delineation exercises.[6][7]

Under Article 113 of the Constitution of Malaysia, the EC may conduct a review and recommend changes to electoral boundaries at an interval of not less than 8 years from the last review and delineation.[8]

Elections are supervised by a seven-member Election Commission. Its members are appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong following the advice of the Prime Minister.

Nomination process

Nomination centres are set up in various locations by the Election Commission to allow candidates to register themselves. Typically any Malaysian citizen may register as a candidate unless disqualified. Candidates file the appropriate forms and place a monetary deposit. The deposit was RM5000 to contest a parliamentary seat, or RM3000 to contest a state assembly seat. This amount was changed to RM 10,000 and RM 5,000 respectively in 2004. Additionally in 2004 it was required that each candidate provide a RM 5,000 deposit for cleaning up banners and posters after the election. This increase is seen by some as having led to the government winning a record number of seats without contest in 2004 (17 parliamentary seats were won without contest). The deposit is used to pay for infringements of election laws and is returned after polling day unless the candidate loses and fails to garner more than 1/8 of the vote.[9]

As of the 2004 elections, candidates may have a lawyer present at these proceedings. Some candidates have been disqualified from previous elections as they lacked the competence to fill in the forms correctly.

In 2004 candidates were given 1-hour to fill in and return their nomination forms as opposed to 2 hours previously. This led to disqualification of certain candidates who were unaware of the change.

Campaigning

The campaign period permitted by law runs from the date of nomination day until polling day. Campaigning amongst opposition parties is often hampered by a lack of access to government-controlled media. Prior to the 1999 general election, opposition parties were given a brief period of airtime on the public Radio Television Malaysia (RTM) radio stations to broadcast their manifestoes. However, the government announced a change of policy in 1999, insisting that as RTM was government-owned, preference would be given to government parties.[10]

On election day, registered voters may cast their ballot for their chosen candidate in a designated voting centre. These voting centres are typically schools or community centres which have been procured for that day. All activities in the school are suspended for that day. Holidays are also declared in states where election day does not fall on a weekend to allow maximum turnout.

Certain political parties will provide transport for voters to and from the voting centre. While campaigning is not allowed on election day, transportation is seen as something of a social service, especially since many people did not have a personal means of conveyance until the last decade or two, as of 2004.

No campaigning or advocacy for candidates is allowed within a voting centre. However, just outside the gate of most voting centres, there will be people plugging the various candidates.

Agents

Each candidate is allowed one agent per voting centre. Their job starts early and begins by inspecting that the metal ballot boxes have not been tampered. They also ensure that the boxes are securely locked before voting begins. After locking, the boxes are sealed by the election commission and each agent may place their own seal on the box.

The agents also ensure that the ballot papers given out to voters do not contain markings. In the past certain parties have marked the ballot papers for their own candidates. This will result in a spoilt vote which is discarded during counting. Some ballot papers have been coated with waxy surfaces to prevent voting for certain candidates. The agents ensure that these events do not occur.

The last task of the agent is to ensure that, on the close of voting, the ballot boxes are still secure and the seals are intact. This may be done at a designated counting centre instead of the voting centre. The boxes are opened once the agents are certain that there is no tampering.

Voting process

Only registered voters may vote in elections. Malaysian citizens 18 years old and above must register in the voters' registry with the Election Commission via any offices affiliated with the Election Commission, post offices with computerised facilities or specified counters, before voting.

After identity verification at a voting centre, each voter receives two paper ballots, one for the parliamentary seat of the constituency and another for the state assembly seat. In federal territories, where there is no state assembly, and states whose state election is held on a different date, each voter receives only one ballot for the parliamentary seat.

Each voter walks into individual booth to mark ballots while maintaining confidentiality. The voter marks on each ballot the candidate of his or her choice with a cross beside the candidate's name and party symbol. After completing, the voter folds the ballots and drops them into separate ballot boxes for parliamentary and state assembly seats.

Counting and announcement of election results

After the close of voting the election agents check the ballot boxes prior to opening and counting. They also monitor the counting to ensure that the total ballots are the same as the number of votes cast. This extends to checking the number of "double votes". Every ballot paper has a serial number on it and they are given out sequentially. Agents may come to check that the serial numbers match up. The counting of the ballots is done by hand.

After a count at the voting centre the boxes are transported to the counting centre for a second count. If all candidates agree to the count then it stands or else an immediate re-count is done at the counting centre.

Election results are announced through live broadcasts by radio and television stations. Some newspapers print special editions to cover the election results. In most constituencies, the results will be out on the night of the election day. In some rural constituencies and constituencies that need recounts, the results may not be announced until the next day.

There are a few offences under election law. Most of these pertain to acts which induce a voter to cast his ballot for a candidate. It is also an offence to use these actions to induce voters not to cast ballots at all. These offences extend to using third parties as agents to commit them.

  • It is an offence to provide food, drinks or refreshments with a view to induce voters to either vote for a particular candidate or not vote at all.
  • It is illegal to provide monetary rewards for voting for a certain candidate.
  • It is an offence to threaten a person to vote for a candidate or not to vote. In 2004 this was extended to include "spiritual threats". This was due to the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) told citizens in less developed parts of the country not voting for the PAS is forbidden and that a vote for them would be rewarded by God.
  • It is an offence to obstruct passage to and from a voting centre. Setting up a location for any candidate within 50 yards (50 m) of the voting centre is an offence. Similarly, loitering in this zone is also an offence. Only voters are allowed in this zone on voting day.
  • It is technically an offence to provide transportation to a voting centre. However, this is not normally enforced as all parties do this to some degree. It is a further offence to use a vehicle that is normally rented out (such as a taxi or hired bus) to provide such transportation. The only exception to this is that it is allowed to provide for the crossing of rivers. No passengers of any vehicle can be forced to alight within 50 yards (46 m) of a candidate's booth on voting day.
  • Each candidate is not allowed to spend more than RM 200,000 (parliamentary) or RM 100,000 (state) for campaigning under Section 19 of the Elections Offences Act, 1954.
Number Year Government*** Opposition Total seats Seats % seats % vote Seats % seats % vote
--   1955** 51 98.1 79.6 1 1.9 20.4 52
1*   1959** 74 71.15 51.7 30 28.85 48.3 104
2   1964** 89 85.58 58.5 15 14.42 41.5 104
3 1969 95 65.97 49.3 49 34.03 50.7 144
4 1974 135 87.66 60.7 19 12.34 39.3 154
5 1978 130 84.42 57.2 24 15.58 42.8 154
6 1982 132 85.71 60.5 22 14.29 39.5 154
7 1986 148 83.62 55.8 29 16.38 41.5 177
8 1990 127 70.55 53.4 53 29.45 46.6 180
9 1995 162 84.38 65.2 30 15.62 34.8 192
10 1999 148 76.68 56.5 45 23.32 43.5 193
11 2004 198 90.41 63.9 21 9.59 36.1 219
12 2008 140 63.06 50.27 82 36.94 46.75 222
13 2013 133 59.91 46.53 89 40.09 53.47 222
14 2018 125 56.31 49.86 97 43.69 50.14 222
Source: Arah Aliran Malaysia: Penilaian Pilihan Raya (PDF)
* *The 1959 elections were the first parliamentary elections to be held in Malaya (Malaya became part of the federation of Malaysia in 1963)
** Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak did not participate in respective elections.
*** "Government" means Alliance Party in 1964; Alliance and Sarawak United People's Party for 1969; Barisan Nasional 1974 to 2013; and Pakatan Harapan since 2018

Main article: 2018 Malaysian general election

Main article: 2018 Malaysian state elections

The 15th Malaysian general election (GE15) will elect members of the 15th Parliament of Malaysia on or before 16 September 2023. The 14th Parliament of Malaysia will automatically dissolve on 16 July 2023. The first meeting of the first session of the 14th Parliament of Malaysia was held on 16 July 2018.[11]

The Constitution of Malaysia requires that a general election to be held in the fifth calendar year unless it is dissolved earlier by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong due to a motion of no-confidence or at the request of the Prime Minister.

The 222 members of the Dewan Rakyat are elected from single-member constituencies using the first-past-the-post voting system. Malaysia does not practice compulsory voting and automatic voter registration. On 16 July 2019, the Constitution (Amendment) Bill 2019 that requires a two-thirds majority of at least 148 votes from the 222-seat Dewan Rakyat to lower the voting age to 18 was passed with a total of 211 votes.[12]

The legitimacy of redelineation of electoral boundaries for the entire country are currently under review by the Election Commission (EC),[13] which is under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister's Department. The redelineation was approved 2 months before GE14, which saw enormous malapportionment between constituencies e.g. in Selangor, Sabak Bernam has 40,000 voters but in Bangi, there are 180,000 voters. Because Article 113 of the Federal Constitution stated that the EC could only conduct a redelineation exercise after eight years from the date of the last exercise or if there was a change in the number of parliamentary seats under Article 46. If the exercise is necessary for the next general election, amendments have to be made to the Federal Constitution and have to be passed with a two-thirds majority in Dewan Rakyat.[14]

Dissolution of state legislative assemblies

While any state may dissolve its assembly independently of the Federal Parliament, the traditional practice is for most state assemblies to be dissolved at the same time as Parliament. In accordance with Malaysian law, the parliament as well as the legislative assemblies of each state (Dewan Undangan Negeri) would automatically dissolve on the fifth anniversary of the first sitting, and elections must be held within sixty days of the dissolution (ninety days in East Malaysia), unless dissolved prior to that date by their respective Heads of State on the advice of their Heads of Government.

Below are the dates of which the legislative assembly of each state would automatically dissolve:

State (and Assembly) Term start Refs Term end
(on or before) Next election day
(on or before)
  Selangor (14th) 26 June 2018 [15] 26 June 2023 26 August 2023
  Kelantan (14th) 28 June 2018 [16] 28 June 2023 28 August 2023
  Terengganu (14th) 1 July 2018 [17] 1 July 2023 1 September 2023
  Negeri Sembilan (14th) 2 July 2018 [18] 2 July 2023 2 September 2023
  Pahang (14th) 2 July 2018 [19] 2 July 2023 2 September 2023
  Perak (14th) 3 July 2018 [20] 3 July 2023 3 September 2023
  Kedah (14th) 4 July 2018 [21] 4 July 2023 4 September 2023
  Perlis (14th) 20 July 2018 [22] 20 July 2023 20 September 2023
  Penang (14th) 2 August 2018 [23] 2 August 2023 2 October 2023
  Sabah (16th) 9 October 2020 [24] 9 October 2025 8 December 2025
  Malacca (15th) 27 December 2021 [25] 27 December 2026 25 February 2027
  Sarawak (19th) 14 February 2022 [26] 14 February 2027 15 April 2027
  Johor (15th) 21 April 2022 [27] 21 April 2027 20 June 2027
  • Electoral calendar
  • Electoral system
  • List of the winning political parties in the Malaysian general election by parliamentary constituency

  1. ^ Polling In Sarawak State Election Completed. (20 May 2006). BERNAMA.
  2. ^ Rahman, Rashid A. (1994). The Conduct of Elections in Malaysia, p. 10. Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing. ISBN 967-969-331-7.
  3. ^ Chow, Kum Hor (10 August 2005). "'Third government' is ratepayers' bugbear". The New Straits Times.
  4. ^ "Local elections for Penang, PJ, KL should be held by 2019 | New Straits Times". 12 June 2018.
  5. ^ a b "The role of the Election Commission". The Star. Malaysia. 8 March 2013. Archived from the original on 23 May 2013. Retrieved 22 May 2013.
  6. ^ "Pakatan in position to prevent gerrymandering in delineation exercise". The Star. Malaysia. 15 May 2013. Archived from the original on 16 June 2013. Retrieved 22 May 2013.
  7. ^ Junaidi Awang Besar; Mohd Fuad Mat Jali; Rosmadi Fauzi; Amer Saifude Ghazali (18 October 2012). "Influence of gerrymandering on voting patterns in the Constituency Legislative Assembly Area of Kajang and Bangi, Malaysia" (PDF). Geografia: International Journal of Development, Society and Environment. Retrieved 22 May 2013.
  8. ^ "EC may have problems re-delineating new seats in PR states". The Sun. 13 May 2013. Retrieved 22 May 2013.
  9. ^ Rahman, p. 133.
  10. ^ Ingram, Simon (16 November 1999). Malaysia's much-maligned media. BBC News.
  11. ^ "Proclamation – Summon the Parliament [P.U. (A) 139/2018]" (PDF). Attorney General's Chamber of Malaysia. 13 June 2018.
  12. ^ Martin Carvalho; Hemananthani Sivanandam; Rahimy Rahim; Tarrence Tan (16 July 2019). "Dewan Rakyat passes Bill to amend Federal Constitution to lower voting age to 18". The Star. Malaysia. Retrieved 16 July 2019.
  13. ^ "EC to review redelineation of electoral boundaries approved last year". The Malay Mail. 14 March 2019. Retrieved 20 September 2019.
  14. ^ "Next redelineation exercise only due in 2026, says Hanipa". The Star. Malaysia. 22 November 2018. Retrieved 20 September 2019.
  15. ^ "All but one of 56 Selangor assemblymen sworn in". theSundaily. 26 June 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  16. ^ "Abdullah appointed as Kelantan State Assembly Speaker". theSundaily. 28 June 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  17. ^ "32 Terengganu assemblymen sworn in". Malay Mail. 1 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  18. ^ "Pengerusi Amanah negeri angkat sumpah Speaker DUN". Utusan Online. 2 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  19. ^ "Forty Pahang reps sworn in". Malaysiakini. 2 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  20. ^ "Ngeh appointed Perak state assembly speaker". Malaysiakini. 3 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  21. ^ "Kedah gets a Speaker at last". The Star. Malaysia. 5 July 2017. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  22. ^ "Hamdan re-elected as Speaker of Perlis Legislative Assembly". The Star. Malaysia. 21 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  23. ^ "Law Choo Kiang elected Penang speaker for second term". The Malaysian Times. 2 August 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  24. ^ "Shafie wins vote of confidence in Sabah assembly". The Star. Malaysia. 11 June 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  25. ^ "Omar Jaafar elected speaker of Malacca state assembly". thesundaily. 19 July 2018. Retrieved 9 August 2018.
  26. ^ Jawing, Jessica (14 January 2022). "DUN Sarawak bersidang tiga hari pada Februari depan" (in Malay). Utusan Borneo. Retrieved 23 January 2022.
  27. ^ astroawani.com //www.astroawani.com/video-malaysia/dun-johor-56-adun-angkat-sumpah-jawatan-1963657. Retrieved 20 May 2022. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)

  • Chin, James. 2002. "Malaysia: The Barisan National Supremacy." In David Newman & John Fuh-sheng Hsieh (eds), How Asia Votes, pp. 210–233. New York: Chatham House, Seven Bridges Press. ISBN 1-889119-41-5.
  • Chow, Kum Hor (8 October 2005). "'Third government' is ratepayers' bugbear". New Straits Times, p. 18.
  • Crouch, Harold. 1996. Government and Society in Malaysia. Ithaca, NY; London: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8310-7.
  • Adam Carr's Election Archive

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